lunedì 23 agosto 2010

Early Italian election draws closer

Financial Times

By Giulia Segreti in Rimini

Published: August 22 2010

A call for an early election in Italy drew closer as Gianfranco Fini, speaker of the lower house and former ally of Silvio Berlusconi, prime minister, gave only conditional support to a legislative agenda that will form the basis of a vote of confidence in the government.

Mr Fini and his break away faction said it agreed with 95 per cent of the document approved by Mr Berlusconi and his senior party officials on Friday, but declared negotiation was needed over some legislation, particularly judicial matters.

“[Mr Berlusconi’s] logic belongs to local food markets, not to politics,” said Mr Fini, welcoming debate in parliament between the different centre-right political groups.

Since Friday, the prime minister has repeatedly said that he is not prepared to negotiate.

“Even if cohesion among the majority is lacking in only one of the points [of the agenda], we will not allow [anyone] to wear us out and will refuse to negotiate,” said Mr Berlusconi.

The decisive vote is expected on September 6, when a draft for the reform of trials will be presented in the justice commission of the lower chamber. The law would limit the length of trials to a total of six-and-a-half years, after which the proceedings would be annulled.

The law, which would eliminate three ongoing corruption proceedings against Mr Berlusconi, was passed by the Senate in January.

In the lower house, the ruling coalition will not reach its needed majority threshold of 320 MPs without the vote of Mr Fini’s supporters. Mr Fini has said in the past that he does not support the law.

Although he is trying to avoid a final rupture and early elections, Mr Berlusconi has already started meeting some MPs to discuss electoral campaigning with several local associations. He is also looking at widening his party’s majority, appealing to the centrist and mixed groups within parliament, and the Central Union, led by Peir Ferdinando Casini.

According to political polls, the premier’s People of Liberty would gain the support of 36 to 38 per cent of the population.

“[The country] cannot go to early elections in the next six months as everything would be up in the air and there would be a risk of speculators and investors fleeing,” said Raffaele Bonanni, leader of Cisl, Italy’s second-largest national union.

Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2010.

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/ee2a3248-ae14-11df-bb55-00144feabdc0.html

Slinging dirt

A lively August for Italy’s politicians

THE middle finger that Umberto Bossi, leader of the Northern League, a partner in Silvio Berlusconi’s ruling coalition, raised to photographers last month says much about the condition of Italian politics. The degeneration has proceeded unabated into the dog days of August, spurred by a dramatic split in Mr Berlusconi’s People of Freedom (PdL) party.

The decision, in late July, of 33 members of the lower house and ten of the upper house to split from the PdL and establish a group called Future and Freedom (FLI), under the leadership of Gianfranco Fini, a former ally of Mr Berlusconi, places the prime minister in jeopardy. The role of Giorgio Napolitano, Italy’s president, is crucial. Constitutionally, if the government loses the support of parliament, Mr Napolitano should sound out the possibility of a new administration and, if that fails, call fresh elections. But Mr Bossi and senior members of the PdL claim that Mr Berlusconi enjoys a direct popular mandate and so should have the right to dissolve parliament himself.

Now the attack dogs have been unleashed. On August 15th Maurizio Bianconi, a vice-president of the PdL in the lower house, gave an interview to Il Giornale, a newspaper owned by Mr Berlusconi’s brother, in which he accused Mr Napolitano of betraying the constitution. So serious was the charge that Mr Napolitano called Mr Bianconi’s bluff by inviting him to initiate impeachment proceedings.

Other supporters of the prime minister are calling for Mr Fini, the principal cause of Mr Berlusconi’s weakening grip on office, to resign as speaker of the lower house. They have not been above a spot of muckraking. Il Giornale has been raising questions about Mr Fini’s role in the sale of an apartment in Monte Carlo that belonged to the National Alliance, the party he led before merging it with Mr Berlusconi’s Forza Italia to create the PdL. Mr Fini’s supporters have threatened to retaliate by digging up details of Mr Berlusconi’s old property deals and investigating his murky relations with Vladimir Putin of Russia and Libya’s Muammar Qaddafi.

In contrast to Mr Berlusconi, who cultivates the image of a maverick, Mr Fini makes great play of respecting Italy’s judiciary, parliament and constitution. This has led to speculation that, should Mr Berlusconi fall, FLI might get together in parliament with centrist groups and the centre-left Democratic Party, a combination that would enjoy a slim majority, to support a technocratic administration. Yet such a heterogeneous grouping would be at serious risk of infighting and collapse.

Offstage, another actor is warming up. On August 12th, Italia Futura, a civil-society association launched a year ago by Luca di Montezemolo, a former boss of Fiat, published a note criticising the institutionalised conflict and mudslinging of Italian politics. Mr Berlusconi has little to show for his time in office, the note argued. Business leaders had expected much more.

Church leaders are also concerned. Addressing his congregation on August 15th, Dionigi Tettamanzi, the highly respected archbishop of Milan, did not refer to any specific individuals but said he regretted the way that in Italy the pursuit of individual power and wealth is so often put ahead of the common good.

Mr Berlusconi, a man once reported to have said he entered politics to avoid going to prison, has not always striven to present the impression that he heads a government free from taint. Denis Verdini, a national co-ordinator for the PdL, continues to enjoy the prime minister’s support, despite the fact that the bank he headed until July has been placed in special administration, with regulators reporting irregularities and potential conflicts of interest.

Yet calls for Italy’s best interests to be heeded are likely to be drowned out by the noise of politicians manoeuvring for position when parliament returns in September. Mr Bossi’s Northern League, flush with confidence, is calling for early elections and threatens to call its followers out on to the piazzas if it doesn’t get its way. Expect a lively autumn.

giovedì 19 agosto 2010

Non è una questione politica: adesso, è una scelta di libertà

Speravamo che il berlusconismo non fosse come lo dipingevano i "nemici", ma...
di Filippo Rossi
Eravamo convinti che fosse un semplice dibattito politico, il confronto tra due idee di centrodestra. Eravamo convinti che si trattasse di un normale dialogo tra idee diverse, opzioni diverse, leadership complementari. Eravamo sinceramente convinti che tutto potesse scorrere tranquillamente nei canali della democrazia interna a un partito. Era una sicurezza che derivava da una certezza cresciuta negli anni: Berlusconi non era il Caimano descritto dagli antiberlusconiani di professione; Berlusconi era un leader atipico ma liberale; Berlusconi non era uno da "editti bulgari"; certo, Berlusconi aveva tante questioni personali e aziendali (quante se ne potrebbero elencare) ma era comunque un leader con una sogno, una lucida follia; Berlusconi, insomma, non era come lo descrivevano i suoi nemici. Ed é in base a queste certezze che lo abbiamo difeso per anni, sperando nella sua capacità di spiccare il volo e diventare un grande politico, uno statista.

Adesso è cambiato tutto e niente sarà più come prima. Perché nessuno ci potrà più convincere che il berlusconismo non coincida integralmente con le sue espressioni più appariscenti e drammaticamente caricaturali. Nessuno ci potrà più convincere che il berlusconismo non coincida con il dossieraggio e con i ricatti, con la menzogna che diventa strumento per attaccare scientificamente l’avversario e magari distruggerlo. Nessuno ci potrà più convincere che il berlusconismo non si nutra di propaganda stupida e intontita, di slogan, di signorsì e di canzoncine ebeti da spot pubblicitario. Ma tanto non ci proveranno nemmeno, a convincerci.

E, purtroppo, il pensiero corre agli eventi passati, all'editto contro Enzo Biagi, contro Daniele Luttazzi, contro Michele Santoro. Il pensiero corre ai sensi di colpa per non aver capito prima, per non aver saputo e voluto alzare la testa. E oggi che gli editti toccano da vicino, è fin troppo facile cambiare idea. Oggi ha ragione chi dice: perché non ci avete pensato prima? Non c'è una risposta che non contempli un pizzico di vergogna. Un vergogna che, però, non prevede ora il silenzio, il ripetersi di un errore.

Eravamo convinti che tutto fosse un semplice dibattito politico. Sbagliavamo. È molto, molto di più. È una questione di civiltà. Di democrazia. E di libertà. Questioni forse più grandi di noi, che impongono una scelta difficile. Intendiamoci, tutto questo poi non impedisce la “politica”, non impedisce di assumersi la responsabilità di trovare accordi per governare il paese. Si parla d’altro. Si parla di qualcosa di più. Perché quello che abbiamo visto in questi ultimi tempi, tra documenti di espulsione e attacchi sguaiati alle istituzioni che sembrano concepite come proprietà privata e non come bene pubblico, relazioni internazionali di dubbio gusto e killeraggi mediatici, per non parlare delle questioni etiche trasformate in propaganda di partito, ecco, tutto questo dimostra che c’è una distanza culturale prima di tutto. E che la scelta, a questo punto, è se stare o meno dalla parte di una politica che si possa dire davvero laica e liberale.

19 agosto 2010

venerdì 23 luglio 2010

Fiat Pushes Work Ethic at Italian Plant

mercoledì 21 luglio 2010

No hard feelings from Berlusconi as cathedral is granted £4m makeover



THE TIMES

Europe

Ruth Gledhill and Silvia Cavasola in Rome

Last updated July 19 2010 12:47PM

Only months after he suffered a broken nose, fractured teeth and a split lip after being struck by a miniature statue of the Dome of Milan, the Italian Prime Minister has announced a €5 million (£4.2m) a year restoration programme for the symbol of the Lombard capital.

Silvio Berlusconi’s face bears no sign of the attack by a mentally ill man in Milan in December last year but his supporters hope that Mr Berlusconi’s reputation also will go some way to being restored by the government donation to the 14th-century cathedral.

Mr Berlusconi, 73, who has had cosmetic surgery to make him look more youthful, was lauded as a “great statesman” with “great charisma” and as a “man who leads the country with great responsibility and lucidity” by the president of Milan province Guido Podestà in an award ceremony at the Dome last night. At the €2,000 euro ticket event, which also included a performance by the “French Sinatra” Charles Aznavour, Mr Podesta described him as a “man who has exceptional human and entrepreneurial qualities”.

In an interview with the paper Corriere della Sera, Aznavour says he first met Mr Berlusconi 30 years ago and describes him as “interesting, intelligent, humorous” but emphasised that he was speaking about the person, not the politician.

But as the Italian Parliament’s lower house yesterday began debating an unprecedented programme of public spending cuts, already passed by the Senate or upper house, his enemies will not let him forget that it was his Government that cut the subsidy in 2008.

Opponents criticised the award. Filippo Penati, head of the Democratic Party in Milan and former president of the province, claimed the cause of the Dome had been hijacked for political purposes and the “cult of the personality” of Mr Berlusconi.

The Dome is regarded as an architectural, cultural and social emblem throughout Italy and the world and his presence there and the award is seen as an attempt to cultivate the northern federalists, Lega Nord.

It came as demonstrators gathered in Rome to protest against the public spending cuts on a day when the country’s health service was crippled by a 24-hour strike. The British Embassy reassured tourists there was no need for concern as temperatures hit 44C in Rome and 50C on the Metro, which has no air-conditioning. Emergency services such as ambulances are still operating.

However 40,000 operations have been cancelled and all non-emergency services shut as the country’s doctors, nurses and support staff strike over cuts in pay and conditions. Twelve thousand doctors on contracts are not having their positions renewed.

Today Italy’s parliament will debate a new “gag law” intended to clamp down on news reports before criminal trials. It carries a potential penalty of up to €450,000 for publishers and 30 days in jail or up to €10,000 for journalists who publish leaked material obtained through telephone wiretaps.

However, journalists working for Vatican Radio or L’Osservatore Romano, the Vatican newspaper, will continue to be able to publish pre-trial reports because the Vatican is a different state, observers said.

venerdì 9 luglio 2010

En Italie, spectaculaire journée sans informations

LEMONDE pour Le Monde.fr | 09.07.10

Pour "La Repubblica", la loi Bavaglio signifie la négation du droit des citoyens à être informés.
Pas de quotidiens dans les kiosques, pas de nouvelles à la radio et à la télévision, pas de mise à jour des sites internet d'information. C'est la "journée du silence", aujourd'hui, contre la "loi-bâillon", le texte voulu par le gouvernement Berlusconi pour limiter les écoutes téléphoniques et leur publication.

Une grève indispensable, selon le Syndicat national des journalistes (FNSI) pour alerter l'opinion publique sur la gravité des dispositions de la loi en discussion qui mine la liberté même d'expression. Le texte met en effet un frein à l'usage des écoutes par la magistrature dans ses enquêtes, prévoit de lourdes amendes et même la prison pour journalistes et éditeurs en cas de publication de celles-ci, mais interdit surtout aux journalistes de publier, avant le procès, toute nouvelle au sujet d'affaires judiciaires.

Face à un tel danger, pour certaines associations qui se battent contre la "loi-bâillon" et plusieurs journaux, le silence forcé d'aujourd'hui apparaît presque comme une contradiction. Au lieu de se taire, beaucoup auraient préféré plutôt la publication d'éditoriaux sur la liberté de la presse ou encore des articles justement sur les affaires en cours.

Des quotidiens, comme La Stampa de Turin ouIl Fatto, adhèrent à la grève tout en se déclarant perplexes sur sa modalité. D'autres, comme Il Riformista sont présents dans les kiosques avecLibero, Il Giornale, Il Foglio et Il Tempo, proches de Silvio Berlusconi. La Repubblica, qui mène la bataille avec des Post-it jaunes – devenus le symbole de la lutte – signalant les articles qui seront impubliables, a choisi le silence. Dans un éditorial publié la veille et disponible sur son site, le quotidien explique que la grève est le seul moyen pour sensibiliser l'opinion publique.

PREMIERS RÉSULTATS

Dans un pays où la majorité des gens n'est informée qu'au travers des journaux télévisés, souvent proches du pouvoir, les journalistes s'efforcent de faire comprendre qu'il ne s'agit pas d'une grève corporatiste mais qu'ils se battent avant toute chose pour la liberté d'information des citoyens.

Si la "loi-bâillon" dénoncée par l'opposition et un large mouvement dans l'opinion publique, avait été en vigueur, les récentes affaires de corruption qui ont éclaté et poussé à la démission, notamment, d'un ministre, n'aurait jamais été connues par l'opinion publique.

La mobilisation de ces derniers jours et cette journée de grève commencent en tout cas à apporter des résultats. La majorité qui exigeait l'adoption définitive, au pas de charge, de la loi par les députés, avant les vacances d'été, semble avoir mis de côté son projet. La loi serait passée difficilement dans un tel climat. La majorité serait maintenant prête à des modifications et devra probablement attendre la rentrée parlementaire.

Tres detenidos en Italia por conspirar a favor del Gobierno ante el Constitucional

ELPAIS.COMInternacional






El juez les acusa de "intentar condicionar a los órganos del Estado".- Los arrestados se reunieron con hombres de Berlusconi para intentar aprobar el 'Laudo Alfano'.- La orden de arresto establece sus relaciones con la masonería y las mafias

MIGUEL MORA | Roma 08/07/2010

El empresario sardo Flavio Carboni, de 78 años, ha sido arrestado hoy en Italia por orden del juez de Roma que investiga un gigantesco escándalo de corrupción en la realización de parques eólicos de la isla. La orden de arresto implica a varios dirigentes políticos del PDL, el partido de Silvio Berlusconi, en una conspiración secreta destinada, afirma el juez, a influenciar el voto del Tribunal Constitucional sobre el Laudo Alfano, la ley de impunidad presentada por el Gobierno en 2009, que fue finalmente declarada inconstitucional.

Junto a Carboni, un conocido intermediario sardo ligado a la masonería y que fue acusado y absuelto del asesinato del banquero Roberto Calvi en los años ochenta, han sido detenidos un ex dirigente democristiano campano, Pasquale Lombardi, y el empresario napolitano Arcangelo Martino.

La acusación contra los tres arrestados es la de formar una "asociación secreta destinada a realizar una serie indeterminada de delitos, influir en decisiones políticas, pilotar procesos, decidir los nombramientos de componentes de órganos del Estado de relieve constitucional y condicionar el funcionamiento de esos órganos del Estado".

En la orden de arresto, el juez explica que el 23 de septiembre pasado, a pocos días de la decisión del Constitucional sobre la ley de inmunidad de altos cargos, tuvo lugar una reunión de los tres detenidos en la casa romana del coordinador del Pueblo de la Libertad, Denis Verdini, en la que se estableció un "intento de acercamiento a los jueces del tribunal" para lograr un veredicto positivo sobre el Laudo Alfano.

En la reunión estuvieron, además de los tres arrestados, el senador del PDL Marcello Dell'Utri, condenado a siete años por complicidad mafiosa; el secretario de Estado de Justicia, Giacomo Caliendo, y los jueces Antonio Martone y Arcibaldo Miller.

La operación, afirma el juez, fue dirigida por Lombardi, y éste a cambio de mediar solicitó al partido de Berlusconi que nombrara a Nicola Cosentino candidato al cargo de gobernador de la región de Campania. Ex secretario de Estado de Economía, Cosentino está acusado por los jueces de complicidad con la Camorra, pero su petición de arresto ha sido negada por el Parlamento.

Verdini, mano derecha de Berlusconi en el partido, está acusado de lavado de dinero negro en el ámbito de la investigación inicial, que explora la adjudicación ilegal de contratos para la realización de parques de energía eólica en Cerdeña. Según el juez, los arrestados formaron un comité de negocios que captó enormes cantidades de capital de empresarios sicilianos, calabreses y campanos presuntamente ligados a las mafias de esas regiones sureñas.

Una parte de ese capital acabó en bancos italianos, entre ellos el banco de Verdini, el Credito Cooperativo Fiorentino, y según la acusación fue usado para pagar las comisiones que facilitaron al grupo la concesión de licencias para construir parques eólicos en Cerdeña.

En la investigación inicial fue acusado también el actual presidente de la región sarda, Ugo Cappellacci, hijo del asesor fiscal de Berlusconi, y varios dirigentes regionales del PDL.

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