venerdì 29 ottobre 2010

Pornography and politics

Rising to the occasion

Electoral victory brings a surprising consequence: the winners look at smut

WHEN Barack Obama won the American presidency in 2008 his supporters cheered, cried, hugged—and in many cases logged on to their computers to look at pornography. And, lest Republicans crow about the decadence of their opponents, precisely the obverse happened when their man won in 2004.

That, at least, is the conclusion of a study by Patrick Markey of Villanova University, in Pennsylvania, and his wife Charlotte, who works at Rutgers, in New Jersey. The Markeys were looking for confirmation of a phenomenon called the challenge hypothesis. This suggests that males involved in a competition will experience a rise in testosterone levels if they win, and a fall if they lose.

The challenge hypothesis was first advanced to explain the mating behaviour of monogamous birds. In these species, males’ testosterone levels increase in the spring, to promote aggression against potential rivals. When the time comes for the males to settle down and help tend their young, their testosterone falls, along with their aggressive tendencies.

Something similar has since been found to apply to fish, lizards, ring-tailed lemurs, rhesus monkeys, chimpanzees—and humans. In many of these animals, though, there is a twist. It is not just that testosterone ramps up for breeding and ramps down for nurturing. Rather, its production is sensitive to a male’s success in the breeding competition itself. In men, then, levels of the hormone rise in preparation for a challenge and go up even more if that challenge is successfully completed. Failure, by contrast, causes the level to fall.

Previous research has found these hormonal ups and downs in male wrestlers, martial artists, tennis players, chess players and even people playing a coin-flip game. In evolutionary terms, it makes sense. If a losing male continues to be aggressive, the chances are he will be seriously injured (it is unlikely natural selection could have foreseen competitive coin-tossing). Turning down his testosterone level helps ward off that risk. Conversely, the winner can afford to get really dominant, as the threat of retaliation has receded.

For most species, determining that this actually happens requires a lot of boring fieldwork. But the Markeys realised that in the case of people they could cut the tedium by asking what was going on in those parts of the web that provide a lot more traffic than their users will ever admit to, on the assumption that men fired up by testosterone have a greater appetite for pornography than those who are not.

To do this they first used a web service called WordTracker to identify the top ten search terms employed by people seeking pornography (“xvideos” was the politest among them). Then they asked a second service, Google Trends, to analyse how often those words were used in the week before and the week after an American election, broken down by state.

Their results, just published in Evolution and Human Behavior, were the same for all three of the elections they looked at—the 2004 and 2008 presidential contests, and the 2006 mid-terms (in which the Democrats made big gains in both houses of Congress). No matter which side won, searches for porn increased in states that had voted for the winners and decreased in those that had voted for the losers. The difference was not huge; it was a matter of one or two per cent. But it was consistent and statistically significant.

If the polls are right, then, next Tuesday’s mid-term elections will see red faces in the red states for those furtive surfers who are caught in the act. In the blue states, meanwhile, a fit of the blues will mean the screens stay switched off.

mercoledì 13 ottobre 2010

Berlusconi vulnerable to rivals

By Guy Dinmore in Rome

Published: October 12 2010

With opinion polls confirming that Silvio Berlusconi’s fractured government is losing its grip, party leaders are gearing up for possible elections next spring that could finally bring the curtain down on the billionaire prime minister’s long domination of Italian politics.

Rivals warn of underestimating his ability to bounce back – but Mr Berlusconi’s apparent vulnerability was emphasised on Tuesday when Paolo Bonaiuti, government spokesman, forcefully denied comments by Alberto Zangrillo, the prime minister’s doctor, that he was “at his limits” and needed a week’s rest after minor surgery to his wrist.

Mr Berlusconi’s ability to see out the second half of his five-year term is hostage to the conditional support of Gianfranco Fini, his long-time ally-turned-adversary. On Monday the latter told a group of reporters, including the Financial Times, that the government could soon fall over its efforts to reform the judiciary.

Mr Fini reiterated that his new party, Future and Liberty, would use its balance of power in the lower house to block what he called Mr Berlusconi’s unethical plan to cancel a backlog of thousands of pending trials, including two cases against the prime minister.

Asked if Italy was headed for elections next March, Mr Fini, speaker of the lower house, said: “I don’t know.” But he made clear he was not in a hurry to bring down the government. “We live in a tunnel where the election campaign never ends. There is a great weariness among Italians with this constant election campaign.”

He also warned Italy could ill-afford a political vacuum, struggling with debt close to 120 per cent of gross domestic product, with Greece the highest in the European Union.

Speculation focused on whether Mr Fini, a 58-year-old former neo-fascist who has undergone a long political transformation towards the middle ground, will lead an emerging alliance of centrist parties known as the “third pole”.

Mr Fini insisted that this was not his intention and that he remained committed to preserving a “bi polar” system.

Political people in talks to form a new centrist coalition say that, in the event of elections, Mr Fini would join forces with the predominantly Catholic UDC, led by Pier Ferdinando Casini, and smaller parties. Talks also involve participation of Luca Cordero di Montezemolo, head of carmaker Fiat’s Ferrari unit, who has to date denied the intention to enter politics.

Italo Bocchino, leader of Mr Fini’s faction in parliament, suggested on Tuesday that Mr Montezemolo could be an “option” as a leader of a future alliance of Mr Fini, the UDC and Sicily’s small Movement for Autonomy party formerly allied with Mr Berlusconi.

Opinion polls suggest that in spite of Mr Berlusconi’s sliding popularity, his People of Liberty party – which he co-founded with Mr Fini last year – would emerge as the single largest force in the lower house with about 29 per cent of the vote, followed by the centre-left opposition Democrats, in even greater internal disarray than the government, with some 25 per cent.

But polls suggest Mr Berlusconi would fall short in the Senate, where the as-yet hypothetical centrist alliance would hold the balance of power.

In such a scenario, political people said, Mr Fini and Mr Casini would offer to support the government but on condition that Mr Berlusconi retire from politics.

Leading the field of alternative prime ministers is Giulio Tremonti, finance minister who has strong ties with the rightwing Northern League currently allied with Mr Berlusconi.

Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2010

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/0cb903a0-d625-11df-81f0-00144feabdc0.html

domenica 10 ottobre 2010

No joking matter



Oct 8th 2010, 16:32 by The Economist | ROME

PROSECUTORS are looking into whether the outspoken head of Italy’s employers’ federation was—or is—the target of an attempt by journalists close to the prime minister, Silvio Berlusconi, to threaten her with compromising information.

Il Giornale, a newspaper owned by Mr Berlusconi’s brother which takes a consistently pro-government line, announced today that it was about to publish a “four-page dossier” on Emma Marcegaglia (pictured), the president of Confindustria, Italy's employers' association. Ms Marcegaglia has been a fierce critic of the government's failure to put forward a policy for reviving economic growth after the recession.

The paper made its move despite an inquiry, led by two Naples prosecutors, in which its editor, Alessandro Sallusti, and deputy editor, Nicola Porro, are formal suspects. According to leaks from the inquiry published in the Italian media, it centres on a text message sent by Mr Porro to a press officer at Confindustria on September 16th.

The message allegedly said "tomorrow there will be a big judicial piece on the business dealings of the Marcegaglia family". Soon afterwards, the two men spoke on the telephone, unaware their conversation was being recorded.

Mr Porro is claimed to have said: "Now we're going to have some real fun and for the next 20 days [give] Marcegaglia a hard time like she's never seen before".
He has since said he was “just joking”, and that, “We're on very familiar terms and we kid around. I never made any threats.”

The article was not published. But, questioned on October 5th, Ms Marcegaglia said that she felt her name and reputation had been put in jeopardy by Mr Porro’s remarks.

Ms Marcegaglia’s criticism of the Berlusconi government became increasingly strident in the summer as the prime minister ignored calls to appoint a new industry minister. Claudio Scajola, the previous incumbent, stepped down in May. Mr Berlusconi himself held the portfolio until earlier this month, when he named Paolo Romani to the job.

On October 7th, police searched the Milan headquarters of Il Giornale. They were also reported to have searched the homes of the two journalists under investigation. Mr Sallusti took over the day-to-day editing of the paper following criticism of its investigation into an allegedly shady property deal in Monte Carlo, which appeared to cast doubt on the probity of another prominent critic of the prime minister, his former ally, Gianfranco Fini.

http://www.economist.com/blogs/newsbook/2010/10/il_giornale_trouble